Is the Sleeper Really Awake?
Sir Ho Kai reply to Marquis Tseng's "China: The Sleep and Awakening"
Sir Ho Kai’s astute rebuttal to Marquis Tseng’s essay masterfully identifies the core issues plaguing China, both in the past and continuing into the present: a shortfall in human capital and a lack of disciplined approach. Sir Ho Kai also highlights the nation's limitations in terms of expansion capabilities, cautioning against potential pitfalls in credit and resource allocation. These insights, remarkably prophetic, have proven to be strikingly accurate in their foresight.
Remarkably, Sir Ho Kai's rebuttal interweaves citations from classical texts, not only bolsters his arguments but also, quite possibly, puts many Mandarins who rise to the position through money and relationship to shame.
Sir — I read with great interest in your issue of the 8th instant, a remarkable article on ‘China – the Sleep and Awakening,’ purporting to have been written by Marquis Tseng, which will [as was there stated] ‘appear in the forthcoming number of the Asiatic Quarterly Review.’ I do not intend to write exactly a critical review of this truly ‘remarkable’ article, but I am resolved to take this early opportunity to offer a few humble words in season to the noble Marquis and those who think with him.
I have watched over the condition of China with much hope and anxiety. I have long looked forward to her awakening from her lethargic slumber of centuries with eager earnestness. Consequently, the remarks I am about to make are the result of years of study, and with sincerity, they are now offered. What heed will be paid to them by those most concerned I know not — much I do not even dare to hope for; but surely the time has come for someone, however insignificant, to attempt the rousing of the all-but-eternal dreamer into activity and to wean her from her chronic state of drowsy oblivion. The task I have set myself is a gigantic one. My poor efforts will prove but drops in the ocean. That may be; none the less, I wish to raise my voice with no uncertain sound, and, when opportunity occurs, put my shoulder to the wheel along with those who are more highly gifted than I am.
The first question we have to determine is — Is the sleeper really awake? The Marquis seems to think that she is, and wide awake too. If so, what are the signs? Here the noble Marquis gives them:
"Great efforts are being made to fortify her coast and create a strong and efficient navy"; "China will proceed with her coast defenses and the organization and development of her army and navy, without, for the present, directing her attention either to the introduction of railways or to any of the subjects of internal economy. The changes which may have to be made when China comes to set her house in order can only profitably be discussed when she feels she has thoroughly overhauled and can rely on the bolts and bars she is now applying to her doors.”
“The general line of China’s foreign policy... will be directed to extending and improving her relations with the Treaty Powers, to the amelioration of the condition of her subjects residing in foreign parts, to the placing on a less equivocal footing the position of her feudatories as regards the suzerain power, to the revision of the treaties in a sense more in accordance with the place which China holds as a great Asiatic power.”
“China has decided on exercising more effective supervision over the acts of her vassal princes and accepting a larger responsibility for them than heretofore. Henceforth, any hostile movements against these countries or any interference with their affairs will be viewed at Peking as a declaration, on the part of the Power committing it, of a desire to discontinue its friendly relations with the Chinese Government.’ ‘In the alienation of Sovereign dominion over that part of her territory comprised in foreign settlements at the treaty ports, as well as in some other respects, China feels that the treaties impose on her a condition of things which, in order to avoid the evils they have led to in other countries, will oblige her to denounce these treaties upon the expiry of the present decennial period; China intends on the establishment of manufactories, the opening of mines, and the introduction of railways.”
This is a full list, and the Marquis is to be complimented on crediting China beforehand with such numerous good intentions. But supposing that China intends all these, and will act up to all her intentions, will she succeed without more? Even if she succeeds in some measure, will she be considered wide awake and conducting her affairs like a man in the full possession of his senses? No. These objectives, though all very desirable in themselves, are not to be attained by mere wishes, nor by ill-directed efforts. To China as she is, these objectives are part and parcel of her dreams. The exertions and energy which are alleged as being put forward, and which she is now presumed to bring to bear, are like the convulsive strugglings of a sleeping man suffering from a nightmare or delirium, utterly illogical and without the shadow of guiding principles. She may chance to hurt some of her neighboring sleepers or even those who are awake but indiscreetly placing themselves too near and not being continuously on the alert, or, what is more probable, she may injure herself by coming into contact with some substance of unyielding solidity. Put the cart before the horse, and the result is certainly not progression but retrogression. This will be the keynote of my criticism, and I shall endeavor to make good my positions.
None will dispute the vast resources of the Chinese Empire, nor is there anyone who doubts the unceasing industry and latent strength of her teeming millions. All the materials essential to the building up of a mighty nation are there and in abundance. At the commencement, however, she requires some wise architects and the laying of a firm and lasting foundation. What that foundation is, or ought to be, one has not to go far to seek. It has been, is, and ever shall be the true foundation of every truly great nation. It may be summed up in a sentence, viz., equitable rule and right government. China can never be what her many well-wishers fondly desire her to be unless she first casts aside all her unjust dealings with her own children and learns to dispense justice with an impartial hand,—to discountenance official corruption in every form and to secure the happiness and unity of her people by a just and liberal policy. In short, before undertaking anything else, she should look after the all-necessary reforms in her internal administration. She must not wait for another more convenient season, but begin at once ‘to set her house in order,’ even before ‘she feels that she can rely on the bolts and bars she is now applying to her doors.’
如知其非義,斯速巳矣,何待來年? 《孟子·滕文公章句下·第八節》
Bad servants are worse than thieves and robbers, while a united household is in itself a strong bulwark against any external eruption. Of what avail are bolts and bars where, in times of danger, no one is found competent or faithful enough to attend to them?
Listen to the words of your sages:
天時不如地利,地利不如人和,身修而后家齊,家齊后而國治,國治后而天下平,物有本末,事有始終,知所先後則近道矣。《孟子.公孫丑下》
They are applicable now as they ever were.
After such considerations, is it strange that I should refuse to accept the signs which the Marquis given as indicative of the awakening of China, until I see China earnestly at work pushing on her internal reforms, and thus striking at the roots of these evils that have beset her for ages — evils which have made her what she is — so weak, so unmanly — and which were the frequent and sole causes of her numerous humiliations, I shall not believe that she is really awake, in spite of the improvements in her Coast Defence, her Army, and her Navy.
I will support my contentions in a more practical way. I shall point out that, without complete and sweeping reforms in her internal administration, China can never succeed in carrying out these purposes, and that internal reforms must, in every case, precede, and cannot come after or accompany such otherwise praiseworthy undertakings.
It will not be denied, I think, that the welfare of a nation, especially where absolute monarchy obtains, is very much in the hands of the officials who are entrusted by its Sovereign to rule over his subjects. On these depend, in a large measure, the happiness, unity, and strength of the people under their sway. By their exalted positions, they are mighty to do good or evil to those around them. How does China choose and promote her all-powerful officers? Formerly, years ago now, there was an excellent way. The Emperor and those in authority opened their ears and cast their eyes over the Empire, and when a person was found renowned for virtue, talent, learning, ability, and experience, he was at once invited to take office, high or low according to his capacity. The invitation was couched in most cordial terms and almost always accompanied with valuable presents. In the case of a person of extraordinary merit, it was usual for the ruler to go personally to tender his invitations. But this mode has long since gone out of fashion. It was buried with the sages who ruled over China so successfully. Now there are only two ways of entering the official circle — by literary examinations, and by purchase. Possibly there is a third; but that way is open to many glaring abuses, and is after all more a door leading to promotion than a separate entrance. I refer to the military service.
The second mode of procuring an official position — i.e., by purchase — is rank and vile, and I need not here discuss its attendant evils at any length, since they must be apparent to everyone. The longest purse will win the day, and the purse will become longer at the expense of the people and to their ruination. One can scarcely blame those who have purchased their ranks for enriching themselves still more by preying on their subjects. Have they not invested their capital, and should they not wish or expect handsome returns? Several years ago, it was rumoured that the system of purchase had been abolished; but alas! it exists up to the present day.
The first mode is more reasonable, and on the face of it, seems to conform to modern ideas; but anyone who would take the trouble to enquire into the matter will see at once that these examinations are entirely worthless as a test of real ability and talent. To be successful in these examinations involves no knowledge of modern science or arts. Success certainly requires a good memory and a close acquaintance with the precepts and sayings of China’s ancient sages, most of which are now, unfortunately for poor China, better known than practiced. The attendant abuses are numerous and subtle. Money here plays an important part. Favoritism is another. Some candidates provide themselves with substitutes, who write for them for substantial considerations; others take into the examination hall large collections of old essays to copy from; while others again ensure their success by resorting to handsome presents. Is this then an effective means of obtaining men of talent and superior qualities? I trow not. Has not the Foochow naval engagement, which the Marquis alludes to, distinctly proved that it is not? Was not the commander-in-chief of the Foochow fleet a literati of the first water, and was not his knowledge of Chinese Classics intimate, and was not he a scholar who had passed his third literary examination with flying colors and finally admitted a member of the Imperial College? But the defeat was not his fault. He could no more help it than, to use a common phrase, could the man in the moon. Where had he been trained in naval warfare, and where had he got his knowledge of naval engagements? Decidedly not from his Chinese Classics which formed the chief subject of his past examinations. And yet he has been punished for circumstances over which he had no control.
To come to the third mode — Military service. This would be more rational and just were it not for the enormous mass of corruption that surrounds it. Money, and not true merit, reigns here more than anywhere. Do you want your blue or variegated feather? Fork out your coin, and you shall have it. Wish to be specially commended for bravery in action? Pay your price, and in due time your name shall appear among the bravest of the brave, though you might have been thousands of miles away from the scene of the battle; or being there, had never fought at all. But then it is not everyone’s taste or good fortune to be present at a battle, and the rewards to the courageous are not always certain. While I am speaking of China’s officials, let me heartily sympathize with every honest man amongst them. His lot is doubtless a hard one. His usual literary training affords him but little help in the discharge of his multifarious and onerous duties, and his salary is starvingly low, so much so as to open many doors to temptation. Moreover, he is continually kept under the iron heel of his official superiors who perchance may delight in nothing save the almighty dollar.
Before I leave this subject I cannot help expressing my pain at witnessing so many of China’s choicest sons, who have had exceptional advantages in training and education both at home and abroad, cast away in favor of those who have obtained their official positions in the methods above enumerated, or forced to purchase their rank like the common herd, a necessity with which the more highly-minded among them will never comply, and to which only but few, for reasons best known to themselves, have hesitatingly yielded. What will be the consequence of this illiberal policy no one can tell; but one thing is certain: China by so doing has deprived herself of many good and faithful servants who otherwise would have served her with loyalty and distinction.
尊賢使能,俊傑在位,則天下之士皆悅而願立於其朝矣。《孟子.公孫丑上》
There is scarcely a civilized country in the world which needs more than China a really efficient navy and strong fortifications along her coast. But there is something which she is in greater need of, i.e., competent hands to man her forts and attend to and fight her ships. Big guns and forts are all very well in their way, but they are utterly useless against a foe unless they are worked and guarded with intelligence, precision, and judgment. Fast sailing cruisers, powerful ironclads, and swift torpedo-boats are excellent weapons of defense as well as offense, but they are only tools and demand much skill, bravery, knowledge, and experience in their handling. In the hands of the uninitiated and ignorant, they are clumsy and expensive toys — fit only to be sunk or captured by an enemy after a brief resistance. Where will China find all the hands for her Navy without going abroad for them? I am aware that the present order of things is to hire foreign instructors and establish naval schools. Indeed, the Naval College at Foochow was established many years ago, and has from time to time turned out a large number of students, and I will add some promising ones too. But were all the students treated properly, and all promises made to them kept? Were their salaries liberal, and were they punctually paid; and did their salaries suffer much diminution or become beautifully less ere they reached the several recipients’ pockets? When the students were qualified, did they get all they deserved, or what had been promised to them? Were they not put under the same official despotism as the other ordinary officers? Have they not been placed absolutely at the command of and obliged to take directions from ignorant officers who have never been to sea and whose only merit consists in being high mandarins or the relations of such? Have there not been cases of desertion on account of bad treatment received, and have there been no frequent and loud complaints? Here more than anywhere, internal reforms are required to induce promising young men to devote their time to the necessary course of study and training, and when qualified, to risk their lives and all in the loyal defense of their dear country upon the raging billows. Get an efficient navy by all means, but before all, get reform. Take timely warning by the naval encounter at Foochow, where so many of China’s ships of war, though outnumbering the French fleet and carrying heavy ordnance, were sunk within the space of barely half an hour. Such a record should make a nation weep and repent in sackcloth and ashes. Just another little question. Under the present regime, how much does it cost the Chinese Government to get, through her mandarins, an ironclad valued at say $750,000? This is a nice algebraic problem. Perhaps it can be worked out by x, y, and z.
It is now time to direct our attention to China’s Army. Here, some of my remarks on her navy will equally apply. The Chinese make fine soldiers if properly disciplined and armed, and placed under brave leaders. Let their salaries be paid regularly and adequately according to law, and not cut down and kept in arrears for months together; let their drills be conducted regularly and at frequent intervals by experienced officers as a matter of fact and not of form; let their arms be of the best and more modern kind, not cheap and rusty old things; let the cartridges for their guns and rifles be of the right sort and size, not ill-fitting; let their officers and generals personally lead them into action, not staying behind miles away on some convenient spot out of harm’s way; let their distinguished services and bravery be justly recognized and suitably rewarded without partiality and favoritism; and let no outsiders creep in to divide the glory with them by payment; — then there will be great hope that the soldiers of China will turn out as brave and successful as those of the best European powers. These are the only means by which reform can be brought about, while no amount of talking, severity, or compulsion will accomplish the desired end. Does China wish to have an army worthy of the name? Let her then first reform her internal administration in this department. One point I wish to impress especially upon those who have the guidance of affairs is, that the efficiency of an army does not so much depend upon the number of soldiers composing it as in their collective and individual proficiency. Therefore, exult not over the 800,000,000 of souls.
紂有臣億萬,惟億萬心,周有臣三千,惟一心。《歐陽修.朋黨論》
I cannot leave this topic without recalling to mind the achievements of the Ever-Victorious Army when under the distinguished leadership of that renowned chief, the late lamented General C. S. Gordon.
As to China's relations with foreign powers, it must be admitted that she has much cause for complaint in that direction. She is bound down by treaties to do much that is incompatible with her rights accepting a larger responsibility for them than hitherto, I will say little, except to warn her that it is not the wisest plan by any means to accept any increased responsibility before you are ready for it. It will only bring you into more trouble and vexation of spirit. Is it not better for China to learn and adopt the best means for governing her own immediate possessions first, and then extend her influence gradually and by small degrees to her bordering and tributary States?
One important topic I have not yet touched upon. I reserve it for the last, though it is by no means the least. Where is China to find all the funds to pay for her increased armament, to work her mines, to run her railways, and to establish and maintain her factories? Her credit is good at present in the foreign market, yet that has a limit, and that limit will soon be reached. When the revenue derivable from the Imperial Customs becomes fully pledged, foreigners will not so readily lend except on the condition that they should have some voice in the control or management of the enterprise for which the money is to be loaned. China will scarcely relish such a condition. She will then be forced to raise a loan among her own people. This is the better way. Nearly every European nation has a national debt in which her people freely invest despite the low rate of interest. Why should China not have a national debt also in which her own people can also invest? No reason at all, except that before borrowing from her subjects she has first to establish her credit with them, and win their confidence and trust. But does China possess the confidence of her people regarding money matters? I am afraid not. Witness the recent failure in the attempt to raise a small loan by the Canton authorities. One can hardly wonder at this, seeing the great reputation Chinese mandarins have acquired of knowing too well the value of money, and therefore hard to be made to part with any when once placed in their possession. Some Chinese go so far as to fear that if once they deposit their hard-earned capital with the Government they will never see it again, much less the interest. This is a pity, for I believe there are many wealthy Chinese who could afford to leave with the Government handsome sums and loan at moderate interest. Should the Government have much difficulty in securing sufficient funds to carry out all the contemplated improvements, they might be forced to leave much to be done by private enterprise. This after all is the best way, as has long ago been found out in other countries. But private enterprise will not be undertaken without much encouragement from and confidence in the Government. The least suspicion of injustice, the remotest fear of underhand dealings and undue interference on the part of the Government, such as the levying of blackmail, the imposition of heavy taxes, and the assumption of certain injurious prerogatives, would prove fatal to such undertaking. Will the Chinese Government give us some assurance beforehand?
In conclusion, I must apologize to the noble Marquis, for whom I entertain the profoundest respect and esteem, and all my Chinese friends and compatriots, for the very plain way I have written of China, and what I consider to be the evils she is laboring under. Every word has been uttered with sincerity and without the slightest malice or ill-feeling. If I have erred, I shall be thankful to those who will take the trouble to set me right. If I have, on the other hand, spoken too truly, then let truth have her due weight, and reformation follow as the consequence. I am not without national pride, and I revere the land of my fathers; but I cannot conscientiously go the length of stating that the French restored our invaded territory when they had got everything they desired at Tonquin and the Province itself, which had for many generations been a vassal State of China. Nor can I say that China made peace in the hour of victory when she had actually lost her ancient tributary State and suffered such crushing defeats at Foochow and Keelung. I must honestly state that although I am apt to be proud with a just pride, I must confess that, had the French not been so half-hearted, and cared to send a few more ships and several extra regiments of picked soldiers, I should have been anxiously concerned for the whole of the Chinese Empire. As it was, I was grateful that everything conspired to ward off the dangerous stroke — thanks to the fatal climate of Tonquin and Formosa, to the brave soldiers of the Black Flag, and the half-heartedness of the French nation. It is of no use to hide our defects and defer the remedy. They are like our bodily ailment; the more one conceals, the longer will the appropriate and wholesome treatments be withheld and the more disastrous will this prove to our constitution. The searching touch of the surgeon’s probe must sometimes be painful to the patient and trying to the medical man himself, but it is necessary. To know the disease is half the cure. Be this my justification and excuse. Marquis Tseng did a good service to his country by the publication of his able and masterly-written article in question. The only drawback is that he mistook the effect for the cause, while the cause itself was entirely lost sight of because it was not looked for. Any man may wear a sword and put on a coat of armor, but that does not prove he is a knight, although he may have all the paraphernalia of one. The Marquis should have directed the wanderers to the fountainhead instead of to its various ramifications.
Will the learned Marquis kindly consider the following passages from the Chinese Classics:
王如施仁政於民,省刑罰,薄稅斂,深耕易耨。壯者以暇日修其孝悌忠信,入以事其父兄,出以事其長上,可使制梃以撻秦楚之堅甲利兵矣。《孟子.梁惠王上》
上下交征利而國危矣。《孟子.梁惠王上》
苟為後義而先利,不奪不饜。《孟子.梁惠王上》
保民而王,莫之能禦也。《孟子.梁惠王上》
足食。足兵。民信之矣。《論語.顏淵》
自古皆有死,民無信不立。《論語.顏淵》
羿善射,奡盪舟,俱不得其死然;禹稷躬稼,而有天下。《論語.憲問》